The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was formally established in 1985 when its charter was approved by the governments of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.1 These states face common challenges, including alleviating poverty, and there is great potential for boosting intraregional trade. However, SAARC has not turned out to be a model of regional cooperation as originally envisioned.
Why the cancellation of the 19th SAARC summit could mean new life for the regional grouping.
In less than two weeks, Pakistan was scheduled to host the 19th annual South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit. However, in September, after the terrorist attacks on the Indian army base in Uri, Kashmir, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided that India would boycott the summit, citing “increasing cross-border terrorist attacks in the region and growing interference in the internal affairs of member states by one country.”
Abstract The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial for answering questions about war and peace. Yet the theoretical literature on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power.
On Tuesday, an international tribunal hearing a case on China’s maritime claims in the South China Sea issued a decision overwhelmingly in favor of the Philippines. Among other issues, it ruled that China had no legal basis under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the SEA (UNCLOS) to claim historic rights to resources within the nine-dashed line (see map below).
On July 12, the tribunal hearing the case issued its ruling that can only be described as a huge win for the Philippines. Digesting all 507 pages of the award will take time, allowing only for preliminary judgments to be made. Below, I discuss several strategic implications.
The Scope of Lawful Maritime Claims in the South China Sea
China was in the crosshairs of both U.S. presidential candidates this election season. Republican candidate Donald J. Trump pledged to put an end to Chinese trade policies that “rape” the U.S. economy, while Democratic candidate Hillary R.
As Trump prepares to take office, he can expect to be tested as well, possibly by issues left unresolved by the previous administration. “Beijing’s longstanding opposition to key principles of international air-sea law and its growing assertiveness in the South China Sea make it view ‘unapproved’ American activities there as contravening vital interests,” Erickson told TheDCNF. “Recent evolution of bilateral frictions suggests that China might test Trump by using Maritime Militia personnel and vessels to pose some sort of ambiguity, complication, and possible harassment to a U.S.
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s historic April visit to Washington capped the most significant two-year period in Japan’s defense reform in decades.